此篇碩士論文研究探討在於日本領土爭端解決途徑中的美國因素，以南千島群島爭議為例。 研究假設如下：日本為美國親密盟友，因此自然會受美日安保條約条款的約束力，並務必支持美國對俄政策的主要方針。該項研究主要研究目的一為了解日本的新領土爭端解決途徑（重新解決途徑 - re-approach）與舊的有何不同。研究目的二為檢查美國因素在重新解決途徑中發揮的作用與之前比有何變化。 為達到研究目的，本篇論文採用了歷史分析、文獻分析和文獻回顧等研究方法。
本項研究將詳細介紹日本的舊領土爭端解決途徑和安倍晉三的領土爭端重新解決途徑，並從目的，方式和手段三個方面上對其進行比較。 同時試圖觀察美國因素本質的變化，以及美日同盟在日本領土爭端解決途徑中的約束力和冷戰背景影響的重要性。 至於舊的和領土爭端重新解決途徑的差異，後者在某些方面的確是具有創新性的，例如提供了更廣泛的經濟合作框架，並成功建立了安倍晉三首相與普京總統之間的親密個人關係。 再加上自冷戰結束以來美國對威脅的認知改變以及美日同盟性質的轉變，日本領土爭端重新解決途徑本來是有成功的可能性。 可是安倍首相的重新解決途徑未考慮到俄羅斯政府不願改變其在該問題上立場的此事情。

This study focuses on the examination of the U.S. factor's role in Japan's territorial dispute-solving approach in the case of the Kuril Islands dispute. The research assumption is that Japan, being the United States' close ally, is a subject to the binding power of the U.S.-Japan Security Alliance and will support the major course of America's Russia policy. In this research, the main goals would be to understand how the Japan's new territorial dispute-solving approach (re-approach) is different from the old one and to which degree the U.S. factor plays role in the re-approach, again, compared to the previous one. To address those questions the research methods of the historical analysis, document analysis and literature review were applied.
The research was designed in a way that will provide a detailed picture of Japan's old territorial dispute-solving approach and the Shinzo Abe's re-approach, comparing them in terms of purpose, style and means. At the same time trying to trace the changes in the U.S. factor's role as well as the significance of the alliance binding and Cold War background influence in Japan's territorial dispute-solving approach. As for the differences between the old approach and the re-approach, the latter appeared to be innovative in some certain moments namely providing a wider framework of economic cooperation and successfully building a close personal relationship between Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and President Putin. Combined with the change of the U.S.'s perception of a threat since the end of Cold War and the transformation of the Security Alliance's nature, the re-approach could have been successful. However, it failed to take into consideration the Russia's reluctance to change the position on the issue.

論文審定書……………………………………………………………………………...…….................................i
Acknowledgement……………………………………………………………………...……...........................ii
摘要……………………………………………………………………………………..……....................................iii
Abstract……………………………………………………………………………….……….................................iv
Table of figures……….……………………………………………………………….………...........................vii
Chapter 1. Introduction…………………………………………………………….…………........................1
1.1 Background……………………………………………………………………….….……….........................1
1.2 Research Motivation and Goals…………………………………………………….......................7
1.3 Research Methodology…………………………………………………………….............................8
1.4 Research Scope and Limitations...…………………………………………………...................10
1.5 Thesis Structure………………………………………………………………….…..............................12
Chapter 2. Literature Review………………………………………………………...............................14
2.1 Origins of the Kuril Islands Territorial Dispute………………………………….................14
2.2 The US-Japan Security Alliance and the USSR…………………………….……...............23
2.3 Cold War Reality and Its Implications for the Russo-Japanese Relations…...26
2.4 Summary…………………………………………………………………………......................................30
Chapter 3. Japan's Old Territorial Dispute-Solving Approach………………………………..33
3.1 The Definition of a Territorial Dispute-Solving Approach………………….…….……….33
3.2 The Cold War Background in the Old Approach ……………………….……….…………....35
3.3 The United States’ Japan Policy After the 1960s……………………………….….………...38
3.4 Summary……………….……………….……………….……………….………....….………...….………........40
Chapter 4. Shinzo Abe's Re-approach……………………………….……………….......................42
4.1 Abe's New Russia Policy …...…………………...………………..……………….….………...….…….42
4.2 The Logic of the Re-approach ……………….……...….….……………...…….....….……….......46
4.3 The Transformation of the U.S. Factor’s Nature since the 2000s….……….....….50
4.4 Summary……………….……………….……………….…………….….………..………………………………….55
Chapter 5. Conclusion……………….……………….……………….………………………………………………59
5.1 Abe’s Re-approach Creativity against Russia's Rigidity………….….………....…........59
5.2 Alliance Binding in Japan’s Territorial Dispute-Solving Approach ….……..…......61
5.3 Future Research Suggestions……………….……………….…………………..…....………………...64
References……………….……………….……………….……………….…………...…………………………………...67
Autobiography……………….……………….……………….………………...…….…………………………………...77

Official Documents:

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Books:

McCargo, Duncan, 2012. Contemporary Japan. Palgrave Macmillan.
Togo, Kazuhiko, 2005. Japan's Foreign Policy, 1945-2003: the quest for a proactive policy. Leiden, the Netherlands: Brill.

Chapters in Books:

Ferguson, Joseph, 2011. “The U.S.-Japan Alliance and Russia", in Takashi Inoguchi, G. John Ikenberry & Yoichiro Sato eds., The U.S.-Japan Security Alliance Regional Multilateralism. New York: Palgrave, pp.195-216.
Kawato, Akio, 2011. “How Russia Matters in Japan-U.S.”, in Takashi Inoguchi, G. John Ikenberry & Yoichiro Sato eds., The U.S.-Japan Security Alliance Regional Multilateralism. New York: Palgrave, pp.177-193.
Schaller, M., 2011. “Japan and the Cold War, 1960–1991”, in M. Leffler & O. Westad eds., The Cambridge History of the Cold War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 156-180.

Journal Articles:

Allee, T., Huth, P., 2006/Winter. “The Pursuit of Legal Settlements to Territorial Disputes”, Conflict Management and Peace Science, Vol. 23, No. 4, pp. 285–307, <http://www.jstor.org/stable/26275137>.
Brown, James D.J., 2019/1. "Abe's Russia Policy: All Cultivation and No Fruit", Asia Policy, Vol.14, No.1, pp. 148-155.
Brown, James D.J., 2019/1. “2019 Japan-Russia Territorial Negotiations and the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty”, Sasakawa USA Forum, No. 17.
Cotula, Lorenzo, 2017/Spring. “Land, Property and Sovereignty in International Law”, Cardozo Journal of International & Comparative Law, Vol. 25, No. 2, pp.219-286.
Goh, Evelyn, 2005/6. “Nixon, Kissinger, and the "Soviet Card" in the U.S. Opening to China, 1971–1974”, Diplomatic History, Vol. 29, No. 3, pp. 475-502, <http://www.jstor.org/stable/24915131>.
Goh, Evelyn, 2007. “Great Powers and Hierarchical Order in Southeast Asia: Analyzing Regional Security Strategies”, International Security, Vol. 32, No.3, p.113-157.
Goh, Evelyn, 2011/7. “How Japan matters in the evolving East Asian security order”, International Affairs, Vol.87, No.4, pp. 887-902.
Hasegawa, Tsuyoshi, 1992."Gorbachev's Visit to Japan and Soviet-Japanese Relations", Acta Slavica Iaponica, Vol. 10, pp. 65-91, <https://eprints.lib.hokudai.ac.jp/dspace/handle/2115/8041>.
Huth, P., Croco, S., & Appel, B., 2011/5. “Does International Law Promote the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes? Evidence from the Study of Territorial Conflicts since 1945”, The American Political Science Review, Vol. 105, No. 2, pp. 415–436, < www.jstor.org/stable/41495073>.
Inoguchi, Takashi, 1986/Winter. “Japan's Images and Options: Not a Challenger, but a Supporter”, Journal of Japanese Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 95-119, <www.jstor.org/stable/132448>.
Kim, Hyunki, 2017/1. “Decisions That Bind: The Role of Reputation Costs in Territorial Disputes”, Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, 2017, <http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep14020>.
Kireeva A., Sushentsov A., 2017/8. “The Russia-Japanese Rapprochement: Opportunities and Limitations”, Valdai Discussions Club Report.
Lesaffer, Randall, 2005/2. “Argument from Roman Law in Current International Law: Occupation and Acquisitive Prescription”, European Journal of International Law, Vol. 16, No.1, pp. 25-58.
Mearsheimer, John J., 1990. “Back to the future: instability in Europe after the Cold War”, International Security, Vol.15, No.1, pp.5-56.
Miyagi, Yukiko, 2011/7. “Japan’s Middle East Security Policy: Rethinking Roles and Norms”, Ortadogu Etutleri, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp.9-32.
Okuyama, Y., 2003/Spring. “The Dispute Over the Kurile Islands between Russia and Japan in the 1990s”, Pacific Affairs, Vol. 76, No. 1, pp. 37-53, <http://www.jstor.org/stable/40023988>.
Pan, Liang, 2007/1. “Whither Japan's Military Potential? The Nixon Administration's Stance on Japanese Defense Power”, Diplomatic History, Vol. 31, No. 1, pp. 111–142, <www.jstor.org/stable/24916022>.
Rapp-Hooper, Mira & Krejsa, Harry, 2017/1. “Congress and Asia Strategy in the Trump Administration”, Center for a New American Security, <www.jstor.org/sta¬ble/resrep27450>.
Sheldon, Simon, 2018/1. “Abandoning Leadership,” Comparative Connections, Vol. 19, No. 3, 2018, pp.41-52, <http://cc.csis.org/2018/01/abandoning-leadership>.
Thacker-Kumar, L., Campbell, J., 2006. “U.S. -Foreign Policy in Asia Since 9/11: Temporary Alliances or Permanent Changes?”, International Social Science Review, Vol.81, No.3/4, pp.99-110, <http://www.jstor.org/stable/41887279>.
Togo, Kazuhiko, 2011/3. “The inside story of the negotiations on the Northern Territories: five lost windows of opportunity”, Japan Forum, Vol. 23, No. 1, pp.123–145.
Tow, William T., 2018/10. “Sea Change or More of the Same? Trump’s Security Policies in Asia”, Asia Policy, Vol. 13, No. 4, pp. 10-16, < www.jstor.org/stable/26533120>.
Trenin, Dmitri, & Weber, Yuval, 2012/12. “Russia’s Pacific Future: Solving the South Kuril Islands Dispute”, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, <http://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep13032>.
Waltz, Kenneth N., 2000/Summer. “Structural Realism after the Cold War”, International Security, Vol. 25, No. 1, 2000, pp. 5–41, <www.jstor.org/stable/2626772>.
Wiegand, Krista E. & Powell, Emilia J., 2011/2. “Past Experience, Quest for the Best Forum, and Peaceful Attempts to Resolve Territorial Disputes”, The Journal of Conflict Resolution, Vol. 55, No. 1, pp. 33–59, <http://www.jstor.org/sta-ble/25780766>.
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Zagorsky, Alexei, 2001/Spring. “Three Years on a Path to Nowhere: The Hashimoto Initiative in Russian-Japanese Relations”, Pacific Affairs, Vol. 74, No.1, pp. 75-93.

Online Articles:

2011/5/5. “A “new approach” for the Russian territorial dispute”, Japan Times, <https://www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/2016/05/11/commentary/japan-commen¬tary/new-approach-russian-territorial-dispute/>.
2014/3/24. “Russia suspended from G8 over annexation of Crimea, Group of Seven nations says”, National Post, < https://nationalpost.com/news/world/there-is-no-g8-russia-suspended-from-exclusive-club-until-it-changes-course-group-of-seven-nations-says>.
2016/12/10. “Putin turns down Japanese dog gift, MP says”, BBC News, <https://www.bbc.com/news/amp/world-europe-38276629>.
2016/12/15. “2018 to be announced as Russia-Japan Year of Culture”, TASS, <https://tass.com/society/919470>.
2016/12/16. “Putin and Abe exchange memorable gifts”, TASS, <https://tass.com/society/919783>.
2017/11/10. “Putin links peace treaty to Japan's alliances but agrees to follow through on North sanctions”, Japan Times, <https://www.japan-times.co.jp/news/2017/11/10/national/politics-diplomacy/abe-putin-agree-strict
ly-apply-u-n-s-latest-sanctions-north-korea>.
2018/5/31. “US tariffs: Steel and aluminum levies slapped on key allies”, BBC News, <https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-44320221>.
2019/1/9. “No plan to deploy US troops to Northern Territories if returned by Russia: US commander”, Mainichi, <https://mainichi.jp/english/articles/20190109/p2a/00m/0na/031000c>.
2019/1/30. “Tokyo: establishing US military bases in the Kuril Islands is only possible with Japan’s consent”, Uawire, <https://uawire.org/tokyo-asserts-that-estab-lishing-us-military-bases-in-the-kuril-islands-is-only-possible-with-japan-s-con-sent>.
2020/10/29. “Russia to deploy T-72B3 tanks to disputed Kuril Islands”, Defense Blog, <https://defence-blog.com/news/army/russia-to-deploy-t-72b3-tanks-to-dis-puted-kuril-islands.html>.
2020/8/31. “Putin, Abe stress importance of enhancing good neighborly relations”, TASS, <https://tass.com/politics/1195457>.
Alden, Edward, 2020/6/2. “Want to Reverse ‘America First’? Start by Rejoining the TPP”, World Politics Review, <https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/28804/want-to-reverse-america-first-start-by-rejoining-the-tpp>.
Auerbach, Stuart, 1987/9/3. “Japan Tries to Blunt Toshiba Scandal”, Washington Post, <https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/business/1987/09/03/japan-tries-to-blunt-toshiba-scandal/2cbaa67d-5f01-49d3-ade5-0890fce7981a/>.
Burgess, John, 1986/9/8. “Japan Decides to Join SDI Conditionally”, Washington Post, <https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1986/09/08/japan-decides-to-join-sdi-conditionally/f9281c82-7764-475e-a675-8363eaf9f455/>.
Clark, Gregory, 2016/5/11. “A “new approach” for the Russian territorial dispute”, Japan Times, <https://www.japan-times.co.jp/opinion/2016/05/11/commentary/japan-commentary/new-approach-russian-territorial-dispute/>.
Fackler, Martin, 2014/8/5. “Japan Imposes New Sanctions on Russia but Keeps a Diplomatic Door Open”, New York Times, <https://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/06/world/asia/japan-keeps-door-to-russia-open-while-imposing-sanc-tions.html>.
Kiyan, Olga, 2020/2/22. “A Tale of Two TTPs”, Harvard Political Review, <https://harvardpolitics.com/a-tale-of-two-ttps/>.
Kyodo, Jiji, 2019/9/4. “Abe leaves for three-day trip to Russia, for regional summit and meeting with Putin”, Japan Times, <https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/
2019/09/04/national/politics-diplomacy/abe-trip-to-russia-summit-putin/>.
Trenin, Dmitri & Weber, Yuval, 2012/12/11. “Russia’s Pacific Future: Solving the South Kuril Islands Dispute”, Carnegie Moscow Center, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, <https://carnegie.ru/2012/12/11/russia-s-pacific-future-solving-south-kuril-islands-dispute-pub-50325>.