本論文探討中文的補語子句是否存在「時態」與「非時態」之間的差異。如同Li & Thompson (1981) 所言，相較於其他如英語的語言，中文沒有表示時制、人稱、單複數等功能綴語。也如同林（2003, 2006, 2010）所言，相較於如英文以時制為導向的語言，中文是一個以時貌為導向的語言。因此，學者們嘗試使用中文補語子句當中的句法特徵（A-not-A 問句、是否接受顯性名詞組或空代號PRO，以及助動詞、時間副詞、表示時貌的綴詞如：了、過、著、在）。然而，胡等人（2001）從學者如李（1985, 1990）、黃（1987）、湯（2000）等人的對於分別中文當中「時態子句」與「非時態子句」句法例證與論述當中，找出了區別「時態子句」與「非時態子句」的反證，而胡等人（2001）所提出的反證主要受到補語子句的論元（顯性名詞、助動詞）與母句動詞之間相容性、補語子句中的上下文線索影響。黃（1987）也指出同時接受中文「時態子句」與「非時態子句」的動詞也受到語用情境的影響。Grano（2012；2013）透過提出動詞補語子句的特性反駁中文「時態子句」與「非時態子句」的存在。
先前除了採用句法結構分析以外，Choi（1997）也嘗試用Jackendoff（1978）以及Talmy（1988）的動詞語意分析子句補語動詞和「時態子句」，以及「非時態子句」之間的相容性。Aya等人（2003）也針對心理/ 言談動詞在社會情境的使用作了初步的分析。黃（2003）、蘇（2004）對於心理/ 言談動詞的語意和言談使用頻率也作了進一步的探討。倪（2012）對於force-dynamic動詞的語意作了探討，並根據語意分類。
　　總結以上所述，構成中文的補語子句為「時態子句」或「非時態子句」除了補語子句中名詞、助動詞、時貌綴詞、A-not-A問句，以及賓語提前的相容性以外，母語子句動詞所蘊含的語意也影響補語子句為「時態」或「非時態」。語意層面、上下文情境，也產生區別「時態子句」與「非時態子句」的例外。因此，本研究除了總結構成「時態子句」與「非時態子句」的句法要素外，也將透過探討母句動詞與「時態子句」或「非時態子句」之間的語意相容度，以及上下文情境強化「時態子句」與「非時態子句」之間的存在。然而中文當中，「時態子句」與「非時態子句」的例外。例如，「非時態子句」如同「時態子句」一樣接受顯性名詞的狀況受到語意，以及言談（上下文）的影響。「非時態子句」如同「時態子句」一樣接受助動詞受到母句動詞語意的影響。「非時態子句」如同「時態子句」一樣可接受時貌綴詞除了歸因於結構重組以外，也和時貌綴詞和母句動詞跟子句動詞的語意相容有關。「非時態子句」如同「時態子句」一樣接受A-not-A問句，以及賓語提前，受到A-not-A問句與母句動詞的語意是否相容影響。

The research aims to investigate and re-evaluate finiteness of verb complementation in Mandarin Chinese. As first indicated in Li & Thompson (1981, p. 1), unlike other languages like English, there is no overt tense morphology to help discern finite sentences from nonfinite ones. Therefore, different tests have been utilized to confirm the existence of finite vs. nonfinite distinction. Some studies supported the existence of finite vs. nonfinite distinction in Chinese with A-not-A test, acceptability of NPs, overt pronouns, pro, complement pronouns (cpros), PRO, object-preposing in finite and nonfinite context, whereas some studies questioned, and some even denied such distinction in Chinese. In this research, I agree that there is finite and non-finite distinction in Mandarin Chinese, considering general rules for identifying finite and non-finite clauses in Chinese, based on Sybesma (2007) and Lin (2010), as supported by research related to identifying finiteness conducted on other languages, like English, Dutch, and other languages. However, the distinction of finiteness in Mandarin Chinese is not clear-cut and that linguistic tests for finiteness in Mandarin Chinese is not only syntactic but also semantic- as well as discourse (context)-dependent. However, Exceptions for finite vs. nonfinite distinction are influenced by semantic factors as well as discourse factors, and these exceptions are also constrained by semantic factors as well as discourse factors.
Nonfinite complement clause-taking verbs accepting finite complement clauses concern syntax-semantics interfaces (semantic value for complement-taking verbs—mental/ utterance matrix verbs as taking finite complement clauses and force-dynamic counterparts as taking nonfinite ones), syntax-discourse interfaces (intervening elements, temporal adverbs, adverbial clauses).
Nonfinite complement clause-taking verbs accepting (1) overt controlees and auxiliary verbs concern syntax-semantics interface (semantic compatibility of matrix verbs and overt controlees as well as auxiliary verbs in nonfinite complement clause), and nonfinite complement clause-taking verbs accepting (2) perfective/ imperfective aspect markers concern syntax-semantics interface (semantic compatibility of aspect markers and verbs in nonfinite complement clauses).

論文審定書...................................................................................................................i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS............................................................................................ii
摘要…………………………………………………………………………………………...iv
ABSTRACT..................................................................................................................vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS..............................................................................................viii
ABBREVIATIONS.......................................................................................................xi
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION.................................................................................1
CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW........................................................................8
2.1 Finite vs. nonfinite distinction in complement clauses in Chinese.......................8
2.1.1 Overt Subject in Finite Complement Clauses…………………………………...8
2.1.2 Auxiliary Verbs in Finite Complement Clauses……………………………….....11
2.1.3 Independent Tense in Finite Complement Clauses…………………………….13
2.1.4 A-not-A Questions in Finite Complement Clause……………………………....14
2.1.5 Object Preposing and Object Extraction………………………………………...15
2.1.6 Raising of subjects from Nonfinite Complement Clauses……………………..16
2.1.7 Summary………………………………………………………………………........17
2.2 Arguments against finite/non-finite distinction....................................................19
2.2.1 Overt Controlees in Nonfinite Embedded Clauses……………………………..19
2.2.2 Auxiliary Verbs in Nonfinite Complement Clauses…………………………......24
2.2.3 Independent Tense in Nonfinite Complement Clauses………………………...26
2.2.4 A-not-A Questions in Nonfinite Complement Clauses………………………....28
2.2.5 Object Preposing within Nonfinite Complement Clauses……………………....29
2.2.6 The Distinction of Partial Control vs. Exhaustive Control……………………....30
2.2.7 Mental/ Utterance vs. Force-Dynamic Matrix Verbs………………………….....36
2.3 Summary.............................................................................................................54
CHAPTER 3 CRITIQUES ON PREVIOUS STUDIES ON FINITE VS. NONFINITE DISTINCTION IN CHINESE......................................................................................................................56
3.1 Li’s (1990), Tang’s (2000), and He’s (2004) Arguments on Lexical Matrix Verb Complements…………………………………………………………………………...........56
3.2 Lin & Tang’s (1995), Tang (2000), and Lin’s (2011) Argumentation on Modal Complements…………………………………………………………………………...........57
3.3 Grano’s (2012, 2013) distinction and categorization of Partial Control predicates and Exhaustive Control predicates in Chinese………………………………………….............................57
3.4 Mental/ Utterance Matrix Verbs vs. Force-Dynamic Matrix Verbs……………..........59
3.5 Grano’s (2013) Aspect-Under-Control Model...........................................................60
3.6 Summary...................................................................................................................61
CHAPTER 4 MOTIVATION FOR THE STUDY................................................................63
4.1 Research Questions.................................................................................................64
4.2 Logical Possibilities for Aspect Lowering in Nonfinite Complement Clauses...........65
4.3 Compatibility of Aspect Markers in Matrix Verbs and Embedded Verbs………........68
4.4 Aspect Lowering……………………………………………………………………..........69
4.4.1 Aspect Lowering at Partial Control Structure…………………………………..........69
4.4.2 Aspect Lowering at Exhaustive Control Structure………………………………......71
4.5 Summary……………………………………………………………………………..........81
CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION, IMPLICATIONS, CONTRIBUTIONS, AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE STUDY.......83
5.1 Conclusion................................................................................................................83
5.2 Implications...............................................................................................................85
5.3 Theoretical Contributions of the Study......................................................................85
5.4 Residual Issues from the Current Study...................................................................87
5.4.1 Subjective State vs. Objective State in Nonfinite Complement Clauses................87
5.4.2 Entailment of Propositions in Finite vs. Nonfinite Complement Clauses in Chinese…………………………………………………………………………………...............88
5.4.3 Finite vs. Nonfinite Distinction in Other Languages…………………………...........89
References…………………………………………………………………………………….......91

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