相較於冷戰期間的兩極化國際體系，後冷戰時期有不同的表現，形成「一超多強」之體系。這也使得許多國家外交政策隨之調整。其中，本論文藉由新現實主義與新自由主義，特別關注於中國與歐洲聯盟之雙邊關係。

雖然中國與歐體早在1975年即簽訂建交協議，1978年簽署《歐洲經濟共同體與中華人民共和國貿易協定》，但是雙邊關係並不緊密。歐洲聯盟於1990年代初期，在政治、經濟等多重因素考量下，重新體會到亞洲和中國之重要性。對於中國，在1995年發表《中國－歐洲關係長期政策》文件後，於1998、2000、2001、2002、2003年都曾發表相關文件，並提升中國為全球六大戰略伙伴之一。另外，同時透過政治與人權對話、經濟和貿易關係、合作計畫之三大途徑來達成其所規劃之中國政策目標。

中國在1990年代初期優異的經濟表現吸引了歐盟關注，逐漸對中國表現出友好態度，中國對在追求經濟發展和國際地位提昇之國家發展目標下，亦樂於接受。中國在國家內部和對外皆做出許多彈性調整以發展與歐盟的友好關係。

雖然，在後冷戰時期，雙邊關係迅速提升，以2004年為例，歐盟已超越美國，成為中國的第一大貿易伙伴。然而，中國對於歐盟重視的人權問題等有所堅持。所以，「經貿利益」是雙邊「志同道合」之處，為合作的第一優先領域。但是，「普世價值利益」和「戰略利益」卻呈現「同床異夢」現象，有不同重視程度。

另外，從瓦茲的新現實主義來看，重視國際體系的系統理論和國家利益角度雖可適用於本論文研究主題，但是卻難以解釋未正式形成的權力平衡、經濟和合作等局面；相反的，新自由主義可說明中國與歐盟間重視經貿往來、合作、制度等現象，但對於二戰後的中、歐長期關係，以及雙方為互賴或依賴關係的詮釋卻出現侷限性。因此，單一理論都難以具有完美的解釋性。

In the Post-Cold War era, the shape of international system has been changing into the “One Super Power with Multiple Powers” which differs from the “Bipolar System” in the Cold War era. Due to the new situation, states have to adjust their foreign policies. This thesis, based on theories of Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism, is focused on the bilateral foreign relations between PRC and European Union (EU).

The diplomatic relations established between PRC and EC in 1975 and the “EC-China Trade and Cooperation Agreement” in 1978 did not help to tighten the bilateral relations in the Cold War era. Considering the multi-faced factors such as economy and politics, etc., EU finally realized the importance of the Asia and PRC in the early 1990s. Since 1995, EU had announced six documents regarding its China policy: “A Long Term Policy for China-Europe Relations” in 1995, “Building a Comprehensive Partnership with China” in 1998, “Report on the Implementation of the Communication "Building a Comprehensive Partnership with China" COM(1998)181” in 2000, “EU Strategy towards China: Implementation of the 1998 Communication and Future Steps for a More Effective EU Policy” in 2001, “Country Strategy Paper 2002-2006” in 2002, and “A Maturing Partnership - Shared Interests and Challenges in EU-China Relations” in 2003. EU upgraded PRC to be one of six global strategic partners in 2003. To carry out its China policy, EU appealed to political and human rights dialogues, economic and trade relations, and EU-PRC cooperation.

PRC’s rapid economic growth in the early 1990s attracted EU’s attention. PRC, in pursuit of continuous economic development and enhancement of its international prominence, happily accepted the friendliness expressed by EU. In order to develop good relations with EU, PRC made flexible changes in terms of internal and external policies.

Despite the fact that the PRC-EU relations were significantly improved in the Post-Cold War era such as EU surpassed the US in 2004 as PRC’s greatest trade partner, some disagreements remained in the areas of human rights and economic interaction. Therefore, the common goal and priority of cooperation between PRC and EU was to pursue “economic and trade interests,” whereas “same bed, different dreams” continued in universal value and strategic interests because of difference emphases.

Both Neo-Realism and Neo-Liberalism have their limits in interpreting the overall situation between PRC and EU. Kenneth Waltz’s Neo-Realism, stressing the international system and national interests, is ideal for this thesis subject but can hardly explain the yet-to-be-established balance of power, economy and cooperation. On the contrary, the Neo-Liberalism perfectly interprets the economic and trade interaction, cooperation, and institution between PRC and EU, but is limited in detailing the long-term PRC-EU relations since WWII.

第一章 緒論………………………………………………………… 1
第一節 研究動機與目的…………………………………………… 2
第二節 研究方法與限………………………………………………12
第三節 研究架構……………………………………………………16
第四節 文獻回顧……………………………………………………18

第二章 新現實主義與新自由主義理論之探討……………………26
第一節 前言…………………………………………………………27
第二節 新現實主義…………………………………………………30
第三節 新自由主義…………………………………………………46
第四節 結論…………………………………………………………57

第三章 後冷戰時期國際體系之轉變與美國之角色………………60
第一節 冷戰期間之國際體系………………………………………61
第二節 1990年代之國際體系與美國………………………………63
第三節 廿一世紀國際強權與美國政治之角力……………………72
第四節 廿一世紀國際強權與美國經貿之角力……………………75

第四章 歐洲聯盟之對外政策基礎與目標…………………………82
第一節 歐盟外交政策運作基礎之對外關係………………………83
第二節 歐盟外交政策運作基礎之共同外交與安全政策…………88
第三節 歐盟對國際體系轉型之功能………………………………93
第四節 歐洲聯盟之全球戰略目標…………………………………109

第五章 歐洲聯盟對外政策之實踐…………………………………116
第一節 治理與善治…………………………………………………117
第二節 歐盟的對內治理模式………………………………………121
第三節 歐盟的對外治理模式………………………………………127
第四節 歐盟的亞洲政策……………………………………………136

第六章 歐洲聯盟之中國政策………………………………………149
第一節 歐盟對中國政策之戰略目標………………………………150
第二節 CFSP對中國政策之影響分析………………………………161
第三節 對中國政策之善治展現……………………………………168
第四節 對中國政策之胡蘿蔔與棍棒策略…………………………183

第七章 中國外交政策之轉變………………………………………197
第一節 影響中國外交政策因素分析………………………………198
第二節 改革開放後中國之內外環境觀點與戰略目標……………205
第三節 鄧小平、江澤民時代外交思維……………………………221
第四節 現階段中國外交思維暨政策………………………………236

第八章 中國對歐盟之認知…………………………………………248
第一節 冷戰期間中國對歐體之認知………………………………249
第二節 後冷戰時期中國對歐盟之經濟認知………………………259
第三節 後冷戰時期中國對歐盟之政治認知………………………267
第四節 中國對歐盟之政策原則……………………………………273

第九章 中國對歐盟外交政策之操作與回應………………………280
第一節 中國之內部調整……………………………………………281
第二節 中國對歐盟各成員國之外交政策…………………………290
第三節 中國對歐盟機構之政策……………………………………311
第四節 中國對於雙方歧見之處理…………………………………318

第十章 中－歐外交政策之異同：志同道合或同床異夢？………331
第一節 經貿利益……………………………………………………332
第二節 普世價值利益………………………………………………343
第三節 戰略利益……………………………………………………348
第四節 結論：志同道合或同床異夢？……………………………359

第十一章 國際關係理論對中—歐關係之適用性…………………363
第一節 從新現實主義探討中－歐關係……………………………364
第二節 從新自由主義探討中－歐關係……………………………375

第十二章 結論………………………………………………………388

參考書目………………………………………………………………396

附件
附件一 中國和歐盟各國海關進出口貿易狀況……………………415
附件二 《中國對歐盟政策文件》…………………………………424
附件三 徵詢大陸學者之主要議題…………………………………431
附件四 英文縮寫指引表……………………………………………432
附件五 2002年歐盟(EU-15)與主要國家商品貿易與FDI狀況……433
附件六 中國官方公布之中國與歐盟的雙邊貿易額 暨
歐盟公布的中國與歐盟之商品貿易概況……………………………434
附件七 中國和主要貿易伙伴之貿易情況…………………………436
附件八 中國實際利用各國外商直接投資額………………………437

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