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博碩士論文 etd-0912107-120325 詳細資訊
Title page for etd-0912107-120325
論文名稱
Title
一個中國政策下的菲律賓-台灣關係:演變模式的分析
Philippine-Taiwan Relations in a One China Policy:An Analysis of the Changing Relational Pattern
系所名稱
Department
畢業學年期
Year, semester
語文別
Language
學位類別
Degree
頁數
Number of pages
469
研究生
Author
指導教授
Advisor
召集委員
Convenor
口試委員
Advisory Committee
口試日期
Date of Exam
2007-06-12
繳交日期
Date of Submission
2007-09-12
關鍵字
Keywords
一中政策、國際關係
international relations, relational pattern, one china policy
統計
Statistics
本論文已被瀏覽 5753 次,被下載 5150
The thesis/dissertation has been browsed 5753 times, has been downloaded 5150 times.
中文摘要
目前世界進入一個新的紀元, 權力平衡的機制已然減少 並且國際安全的決策也更加複雜。互相依賴在1970年代成為熱門行話,如同全球化在90年代一般 , 意味著一些基本且全然的改變 將捲入政治、經濟、軍事、社會文化與環境。參與國際決策角色的人數變多了,大量接踵而至的事件對國際社群而言,似乎難以停歇。由政府主導的國際關係受個人、團體、社會的支援,但也影響這層關係的發展與結果。
  如同其他國家,菲律賓也尋求其他國家政治力量來協助國家安全與發展,由一開始當地的像是:東協(ASEAN),到三個世界主要強權(美國、日本、中國),而菲律賓也是東協主要推動者之一。所有這些東協的變動基本上以官方而言並未包括台灣--這個處於和其他ASEAN國家直接策略性地位並且與菲律賓最鄰近的國家。多數ASEAN會員國已經承認並與中華人民共和國(PROC)建立官方正式關係。
  中國正式地要求凡是與北京建交的國家必須承認"一中原則",也就是說必須與台灣斷絕外交關係。因此其他國家的政府依其所需與方向,被迫得在北京與台北之間做出選擇。有趣的是,因為海峽兩岸問題的複雜性, 東協國家和世界其它地方, 除了自2006起的19 個國家, 已經選擇以國家正式外交政策面對中國,但以非官方關係模式繼續與台灣保持關係。
  對於北京而言可接受的合作關係僅止於經濟層面--貿易、投資、文化、教育與社會關係。當傳統的菲律賓與台灣關係參雜進"一中關係"這個變數,菲律賓選擇和世界其他國家一樣,以 貿易、投資、文化、教育與社會關係等低政治敏感的交流,繼續與台灣維持關係。這個不受時間影響的挑戰維繫於菲律賓基於不違背一中原則下儘量穩定與增強這些交流。
  菲律賓開始與中華民國(ROC)建立官方的關係起源於當曼紐爾A. Roxas 總統在1947年4月18日與中國人Chen Chih-ping 簽署一項友善的條約,之後換成是中國大陸的政府。在上海和廈門的菲律賓領事館,和南京的公使館人員由於共產黨的推進下,在1949年被關閉。菲律賓公使館在拉蒙Magsaysay 總統的時間期間在1950年1月在台北重開,並在1956年3月15日提升成為大使館。 中國參與韓戰和一連串中國國內動盪促成菲律賓政府決定承認在台灣政權,直到1970年代之前始終未和中國有正式關係。
  在1975年菲律賓開始和中國有外交關係,因此接受了一中政策,同年中止了所有和台灣的外交與政治關係。這影響了雙邊貿易與投資的關係,從1975至1977年沒有新的台灣投資者來到菲律賓,台菲關係降至非官方與非政府的層面,剩下僅止於部分經濟與貿易仍進行。台灣在馬尼拉大使館也重新命名為 "太平洋經濟文化中心"(Pacific Economic and Cultural Center),而菲律賓駐台大使館也訂名為"亞洲交流中心"(Asian Exchange Center),屬於半私人的組織,並直接向總統府負責。
  從1975至今,台菲關係僅限於經濟和文化圈,而中國對此仍不斷透過外交表示此有違一中原則。在此環境下,菲律賓藉由與中國保持外交關係另一方面已私下關係和台灣往來而得到好處。然而作為一個這些非外交關係的分枝,一些對於近海的策略性關注,使當今的政策必需重新考慮。 本文以國際關係理論整合過往菲律賓中國台灣關係的研究中的新發現。因此,國會兩院能使用本文作為幫助制訂對台與對中關係相關法令時所用的參考。從各種各樣的利益集團過去有努力透過立法,但是被中國駐馬尼拉大使強烈反對,但若由非政黨的學術研究做為出發觀點則或許可以被接受。
  使用現實主義、新現實主義、自由主義和新自由主義對做為改變關係形態的評估將涉及到過往在兩國內環境和國際間的關係的力量、機會、弱點、威脅和種種機制。它可以成為未來台菲人民在不違背一中原則下以一種正向關係交流的模式,此篇論文重新分析審視台菲關係形態的改變,嘗試提出在一中原則下如何使雙邊都能雙贏。在文章中我們著眼於尋求這些問題的解答:
1. 從現實主義、新現實主義、自由主義和新自由主義來看台菲關係由1947至2005,是怎樣的形式?

2. 由和美、中、日強權不同的ASEAN觀點出發,台菲關係形態的改變和一中政策有何關聯?

3. 研究過程中,在一中環境下要如何建立一套模式與政策使台菲雙方都能獲利呢?
  在更多的當代行動裡, 作者已經觀察菲律賓台灣的關係被生意部門和第三部門的行動積極支配。一方面, 以中國菲律賓商務委員會領導的共同經濟會議使雙邊的商人都能得到適切的政策照顧與良好關係。另一方面,一些社會民間組織(NOGs和Pos)已經長期追求在發展與人道關懷上共同合作。本研究會以一中原則下建立一個雙邊接觸發展與合作的原始模式。
  本篇論文的觀點: a). 菲律賓與中國的官方關係會影響台菲關係的層次;b). 台灣與中國的關係層次會影響菲中關係; c). 台菲關係也會影響菲中關係。以比較分析得到在第四章所述的台菲關係,並在簡介中提出此關係的輪廓,其實是遠比單單從現實主義、新現實主義、自由主義和新自由主義所能得到的解釋複雜。國家領導人的決策過程又存在著許多變數而國家走向也同時影響著國際局勢。無疑地,本研究指出:"重建台菲互動關係是相當重要的,但是必須在一中條件下"。
  關於台菲關係的建議與建立模型在圖39下,"增加雙邊人民互動"和"間立民間交流中心"將這些條件加總起來可以促進台菲雙方的利益與雙方的國家安全。
Abstract
The world has moved into an era where the tempering mechanism of a balance of power has diminished and security is decidedly more complex. Globalization which became a buzzword in the 1990’s as interdependence did in the 1970’s, meant real changes that are of fundamental and profound implications to the politics, economics, military, socio-cultural and environment. The number of players in the international system has increased and the myriad of issues confronting the international community show no sign of letting up. International relations conducted by governments have been supplemented by relations among private individuals, groups, and societies that can and do have important consequences for the course of events.
Like all other states, the Philippines pursues foreign policy objectives to promote national security and development. Jumpstarting from a logical foreign policy framework which is ASEAN centrist, though with strong cognizance of the three dominant power players (United States, Japan and China) in the global politics, the ASEAN with the Philippines as one of the prime movers. All these existing ASEAN dynamics, however, officially does not include the country of Taiwan which is the most proximate to the Philippines, and is also strategically situated vis a vis the other ASEAN countries. Most of ASEAN member countries have already recognized and established official relations with the People’s Republic of China (PROC).
China officially requires that any country establishing diplomatic relations with Beijing must recognize the ‘One-China principle’, which means no diplomatic relations with the Republic of China or Taiwan will ever be made after the signing of the communiqué. Thus, foreign governments have to painstakingly choose between recognizing Taipei or recognizing Beijing, depending upon their respective national interests. Ironically, because of the complexities of the cross-strait issues, ASEAN countries and the rest of the world, except for nineteen (19) countries as of 2006, have chosen to traverse the conventional foreign policy path to China, with the unconventional detour of “unofficial relations” mode with Taiwan.
A cooperation, which is acceptable for Beijing, is only within the realm of economics – trade and investments, cultural, educational and social relations. While the traditional diplomatic track of Philippine-Taiwan relations is consistent with the veritable “one china policy”, as everyone else in the rest of the world, the Philippines maintains an unofficial relationship with Taiwan for trade, investments, social, cultural, educational and other levels of low politics. The timeless challenge lies on the capability of the institutional mechanisms of the Philippines that promotes, harness and enhance these dynamics without transgressing the official metes and bounds of the one china policy.
The Philippines entered into official relations with Republic of China (ROC), then the government of Mainland China, when President Manuel A. Roxas signed a Treaty of Amity with Chinese Chen Chih-ping on April 18, 1947. The Philippine consulates in Shanghai and Xiamen, and the legation in Nanjing were closed in 1949 in view of the advancing communist forces. The Philippine Legation was reopened in Taipei in January 1950 during the time of President Ramon Magsaysay and was elevated into an embassy on March 15, 1956. Chinese involvement in the Korean War and the communist insurgency in the country precipitated the Philippine government decision to recognize the nationalist government in Taiwan. No official contacts were made with Mainland China until the early 1970s. .
In 1975 however, the Philippines opened diplomatic relations with China, thus the birth of its One-China policy. Correspondingly, on the same year, the Philippines terminated all diplomatic and political relations with Taiwan. The effects on trade and investments were initially dampening for both countries. From 1975 to 1977, economic relations were severely affected - there was no fresh Taiwanese investment in the Philippines. Relations with Taiwan were downgraded to an unofficial, non-governmental level and were limited to economic, trade, commercial and cultural activities. The Taiwan embassy in Manila was renamed Pacific Economic and Cultural Center, while the Philippine Embassy in Taipei became the Asian Exchange Center, a semi-private organization reporting directly to the Office of the President.
From 1975 to date, the Philippine-Taiwan relations were all within the sphere of economics and culture, in strict adherence to the 1975 Communiqué, although there were numerous diplomatic protests lodged by China on allegations of violations to the One China rule. Under the One China Policy environment, the Philippines has enjoyed the benefits of maintaining diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China (PROC) while pursuing non-official relations with Taiwan. However as an offshoot of these non-diplomatic ties, some strategic concerns have been in the offing, which necessitates a rethinking of the current policies. This paper has taken to task the consolidation of all past studies on Philippine-China-Taiwan relations, and subjected the findings in an analytical framework based on well-established international relation theories. Thus, the two houses of congress (Senate and Representative) can use the paper as aid to legislation in any national policy enhancements vis a vis China relations and possibly, pass the policy that will prescribe the nature of relationship with Taiwan. There had been efforts in the past from various interest groups to pass the legislation, but was vehemently opposed by the Chinese Embassy in Manila. A legislative debate essentially coming from a non-partisan academic endeavor could be acceptable to the Chinese psyche.
The assessment of the changing relational pattern using the four theories of realism, neo-realism, liberalism and neo-liberalism will bring to the fore the strengths, opportunities, weaknesses, threats and triggers of the past relations within the two countries domestic environment and the international system. It will subsequently be the basis of the model building and forward looking strategies based on a ‘constructivist’ mode of enhancing the people to people contact between the two countries, but without risking and transgressing the metes and bounds of the ‘one China policy’. This dissertation is essentially an analytical revisit of the changing relational pattern given the imperative at this juncture of Philippine nation building to re-examine the Philippine – Taiwan relations amidst the backdrop of the “one china policy” and by and large, reinvent the relations to the best interest of the Philippines. Specifically, the research study will seek answers to the following questions:
1. What is the relational pattern of the Philippine-Taiwan relations from 1947 to 2005 using the key theoretical factors of Realism, Neo-realism, Liberalism and Neo-liberalism?

2. Coming from an ASEAN centrist with strong deference to the power nations of the United States, Japan and China foreign policy framework, what are the implications of the “one china policy” to this changing relational pattern?

3. In the light of the findings of the preceding research questions and using the constructivism framework, what policy and program model can be drawn up to reinvent the Philippine – Taiwan relations in a one china policy environment and subsequently promote its national interests?
In more contemporary initiatives, the author has observed that the Philippine-Taiwan relation is actively dominated by the initiatives of both the business sector and the third sector as well. On one hand, the Joint economic Conference led by the Chinese Philippine Business Council has actively been engaging the businessmen of both countries to undertake policy and program agreements that are mutually relevant to them. On the other hand, some Civil Society Organizations (NGOs and Pos) has through the years been pursuing collaborative efforts in development and humanitarian programs. This study will endeavor to draw up a model of people to people engagement of both countries towards development cooperation. This definitely is within the realm of what is acceptable in the one china policy framework and consistent to the global governance trend in the offing.
This dissertation is on a strong proposition that: a). The level of official relationship between the Philippines and PROC will affect the level of relationship between the Philippines and Taiwan; b). The Level of relationship between PROC and Taiwan will affect the level of relationship between the Philippines and PROC; and, c). The Level of relationship between the Philippines and Taiwan will affect the relationship between the Philippines and PROC.
Coming from the comprehensive analytical revisit of the Philippine –Taiwan relations in a One China Policy environment in Chapter 4 and the highlighted most crucial points in the preceding “Summary” portion of this paper, the overarching conclusion of the dissertation is that Philippine – Taiwan relations is decidedly more complex, than be simply viewed from a singular perspective of a theory – Realism, Neo-realism, Liberalism, and Neo-Liberalism. The interplay of the various triggers in the decision making processes of the leaders and the state is predicated on the domestic realities and the international environment. Undoubtedly though, the study has amply proven that “it is an imperative to reinvent the Philippine-Taiwan relations, but MUST be within the metes and bounds of the One China Policy”.
The cursory on the recommendations and model building to reinvent Philippine-Taiwan relations is capsulized in Figure 39 below, taking into account the three tracks of “enhanced people to people” relations, the establishment of the People’s Forum through the Center. All these are geared towards the attainment of the two countries national interests and subsequently, the promotion of the Philippines and Taiwan’s national security
目次 Table of Contents
TITLE PAGE i
COVER PAGE ii
ENDORSEMENT SHEET iii
DEFENSE PANEL APPROVAL iv
DEDICATION v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT vi
ABSTRACT xvi
LIST OF FIGURES xx
LIST OF TABLES xxi
LIST OF ANNEXES xxii
ABBREVIATIONS xxiii
CHAPTER
I INTRODUCTION 1
Background of the Study 1
Research Motivation 10
Research Problem 36
II THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK . 46
Level of Analyses 46
Theories 50
Conceptual Framework (Realism, Neo-Realism, Liberalism,and Neo-Liberalism) 102
The Search for New Models – Constructivism 111
Key Theoretical Factors Framework 124
Conceptual Paradigm 154
III RESEARCH METHOD 162
Research Design 162
Research Instrument 162
Documents and Data Collection 162
Interview of Key Informants 164
Focused Group Discussion (Delphi Technique) 165
The Respondents 168
Data Analysis 169
Research Analytical Paradigm 172
Framework of Analysis 175
IV ANALYSIS OF THE PHILIPPINE –TAIWAN CHANGING
RELATIONAL PATTERN IN A ONE CHINA POLICY
ENVIRONMENT 177
Background 178
Pre-Colonial Relations 178
Relations During Spanish Rule 181
Relations Under the United States of America Rule 185
Relations from 1947 to 1965 (Five Presidents) 188
Marcos Administration 194
The Aquino Restoration Years 215
The Ramos Presidency 233
The Estrada Administration 251
The Present Arroyo Administration 257
The ASEAN, United States and Japan’s Perspective of One
China Policy 277
The Institutional Mechanism. 299
VI SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATION 305
Summary and Highlights of Findings 305
Conclusions 338
Recommendation: Draft Bill on RP – Taiwan Relations and a
Constructivist Model of Relationship 344
Suggestions for Future Studies
BIBLIOGRAPHY 399
ANNEXES 420
RESUME
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Unpublished Thesis, Reports and Policy Option Paper:

Adiong, Percival, et. Al. Towards a Strategy for National Security. Metro Manila: National Defense College of the Philippines, 1982

Aguirre, Alexander P. Our National Security Strategy. A reference paper prepared by the Office of the National Security Adviser and the National Security Council, Manila: National Security Council, September, 1999

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“An Assessment of Philippine-China Relations, 1975-1988”. Edited by Bernardita Reyes-Churchill. De La Salle University

Angliongto, Jose, Integration of Philippine-Chinese Ethnic Elements into the National
Socio-Political Community, National Defense College of the Philippines: Masters in National Security Administration Thesis, 1988.

Aromin, Saulito P., “Local Government Units – Non-government Organization Partnership in the Delivery of Basic Services” National Defense College of the Philippines: Masters in National Security Administration Thesis, 1998.

Andes, Hilario. “Philippine Taiwan Economic Cooperation on Trade and Investments, Masters in National Security Administration (MNSA) Thesis, National Defense College of the Philippines (NDCP), 1995, 120-123.

Averilla , Aresenio A. “RP-China Relations and Their Implications to National Security”. National Defense College of the Philippines: Masters in National Security Administration Thesis, 1988.

Banlaoi, Rommel C. Philippine-China Defense Relations: Implications for Philippine National Security, Reference folder for SND’s Visit to PROC 7-14 November 2004, Quezon City: NDCP, July 29, 2002

Banlaoi, Rommel C. The ASEAN Regional Forum, The South China Sea Disputes and the Functionalist Approach, Quezon City, Philippines: NDCP Monogram No. 3, 2000

Barbers, Dean Robert, “Mindanao Tourism Development: Peace Strategy for Mindanao” (National Defense College of the Philippines: Masters in National Security Administration Thesis, 2006

Baviera, Aileen S.P. Bilateral Confidence Building with China in Relation to the South China Seas Dispute: A Philippine Perspective. A paper for the International Security Research and Outreach Programme, International Security Bureau, Canada: Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, February, 2001

Bin, Go Bun. The Politico-Economic Problems of Chinese Residents in the Philippines. Ph.D., Manila: University of Santo Tomas, 1958

Borromeo, Ruperto Rico. “Potential China-Taiwan Conflict: Its Security Implications to the Philippines”, Masters in National Security Administration (MNSA) Thesis, National Defense College of the Philippines (NDCP), 2004, 89-91.

Chang, Shih-Cheng. The Legal and Political Status of Taiwan. Ph.D., Manila: University of Santo Tomas, 1966

Chen, Si-Fang. A critical study of Sino-Filipino Relations. M.S., Political Science, Manila: De La Salle University, 1962

Ching, Go Bun. A re-examination of the Chinese problems in the Philippines. Manila: De La Salle University, 1962

Corotan, Benjamin. “Philippines Relations with China and Taiwan”, Masters in National Security Administration (MNSA) Thesis, National Defense College of the Philippines (NDCP), 1993.

De Los Santos, Teofilo. “An Analysis of the People’s Republic of China-Taiwan Question: Its Implication to Philippine National Security, Masters in National Security Administration (MNSA) Thesis, National Defense College of the Philippines (NDCP), 2004.

Eland, Ivan. Is Chinese Military Modernization a Threat to the United States? Policy Analysis No. 465, January 23, 2003

Enriquez, Danilo B. RP-China Relations: A Focus on the Spratlys Questions. Metro Manila: National Defense College of the Philippines, 1993

Espiritu, Federico, “Quedan Corporation Agri-credit Program: Its Role in Counter-Insurgency Operations”, (National Defense College of the Philippines: Masters in National Security Administration Thesis, 2006),

Fernando, Pedro D. The Philippines: “One-China”. Dilemma Commandant’s Paper, Philippines: AFPCGS, October 1995

Fuentes, Francisco B. Policy Options to Enhance ASEAN Regional Security. Metro Manila: National Defense College of the Philippines, 1995

Hsiao, Shi-Ching. The diplomatic Relations Between China and the Philippines. Ph.D., Manila: University of Santo Tomas, 1974

Illenberger, Ignacio V. Taiwan: A Century Analysis View—A Report. Manila: National Defense College of the Philippines, 1995

Klintworth, Gary. “Taiwan’s New Role in the Asia-Pacific region”, Working Paper No. 255, The Strategic and Defense Studies Center, The Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University, Canberra, 1992

Lasan, Alejandro V. The China Question: A Policy Option Paper. Manila: National Defense College of the Philippines, 1995

Lesaca, Reynaldo, Implications of the Establishment of diplomatic Relations with the Peoples Republic of China, Metro Manila: National Defense College of the Philippines, 1982

Lim, Benito O. “A History of Philippine-China Relations” in Aillen San Pablo-Baviera and Lydia N. Yu-Jose (eds), Philippine External Relations: A Centennial Vista, Pasay City, Philippines: Foreign Service Institute, Department of Foreign Affairs, 1998

Lim, Benito. The Political Economy of the Philippines-China Relations. A Philippine APEC Study Center Network Discussion Paper No. 99-16, November 16, 1999

Lopez, Gabby. The National Security Agenda: A Presentation of the Strategic Studies Group. A PowerPoint lecture given to MNSA RC 40 on June 16, 2005 of the National Security Agenda Working Group conducted on June 22, 2005 at the Honor Hall, NDCP, 2005

Morada, Noel M., (n.d.). Multilateralism and Regional Order: Essays on Major Power Relations and East Asian Security, NDCP, CGEA, Quezon City

Navarro, Federico D. The Impact of the RP-PRC Diplomatic Relations in the Local Chinese Community. Metro Manila: National Defense College of the Philippines, 1976

Niou, Emerson M.S. Understanding Taiwan Independence and Its Policy Implications, Department of Political Science, Duke University, January 30, 2004

O/J2. An Overview of Taiwan: Its Relations with RP and Key National Developments, prepared by the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence, O/J2, General Headquarters, Armed Forces of the Philippines, Camp General Emilio Aguinaldo, Quezon City, January 2004

Pattugalan, Gina Rivas. Managing Regional Security; The Role of ASEAN in Southeast Asia, Manila: Office of Strategic and Special Studies Research Series No. 1, August 1995

Plaza, Rodolfo G. “Alternative Political Structure for Mindanao agenda: A Policy Option”. National Defense College of the Philippines: Masters in National Security Administration Thesis, 2006

“Strategic Papers” Vol. I, No. 3, May-June 1989. Institute for International and Strategic Studies, Center for Research and Communication. Pasig, Metro Manila

Suarez, Romeo. The Spratlys: Its Geopolitical Implications to Philippines Defense and Security. Metro Manila: National Defense College of the Philippines, 1988

Teng Yu, Miguel. Philippine-Taiwan Relations: Implications for National Security. Metro Manila: National Defense College of the Philippines, 1988

Valera-Quisumbing, Purificacion. The China Decision and Philippine National Security. Metro Manila: National Defense College of the Philippines, 1976

Wanlapa, Pattanabrateeb. Job Opportunities for Taiwan professionals and technicians in the Philippines, M.S. Manila: University of Santo Tomas, 1981

Wilhelm, Alfred D. Jr. Chinese at the Negotiating Table. Washington, DC: National Defense University Press, 1991

Wu, Hsib-Hua, Comparative study of export strategy of the Republic of the Philippines and Taiwan Republic of China (1970-1979)

Yap, Edon, et.al. Implications of the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations with the People’s Republic of China and the USSR. Metro Manila: National Defense College of the Philippines, 1975

Yu, Miguel Teng. “Philippine-Taiwan relations: Its Implications to National Security”, Masters in National Security Administration (MNSA) Thesis, National Defense College of the Philippines (NDCP), 1988, 97-99.


Government Documents/Publications:

1998 Accomplishment Report of the Ramos Presidency”, Office of the President,

Annual Report of the Board of Investments, 2005.

Annual Philippine Foreign Policy Overview, 2005

Annual Report of the Board of Investments, 2005.

Annual Report of Philippine Economic Zone Authority, 2005

Board of Foreign Trade, Ministry of Economic Affairs, Republic of China, “1994 Foreign Trade Development of the Republic of China” 1995

Department of Foreign Affairs Strategic Plan, 2000-2005

Department of Foreign Affairs, Joint Communiqué of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Government of the Republic of China, June 5, 1975

Department of Foreign Affairs. State Visit to the Philippines of H.E. President Hu Jintao of the People’s Republic of China. Briefing paper for H.E. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, President of the Republic of the Philippines, Manila: DFA, 2005

Department of Foreign Affairs, Treaty of Amity, Navigation, and Commerce between the Government of the Philippines and the Republic of China

Department of National Defense. In Defense of the Philippines; 1998 Defense Policy Paper, Manila: Department of National Defense, May 1998

Department of Trade and Industry Statistical Bulletin, 2000 – 2005

Department of Trade and Industry, Philippine-Taiwan Trade and Investment Relations, 1988

Executive Order 313

General Information Office (GIO). Taiwan Yearbook 2003, Taipei, Taiwan: China Color Printing Company, 2002

“Issues in RP-Taiwan Relations” in China Currents. Philippine-China Development Research Center, July-August, 1991

“Laurel Report: Mission to China”. Private Publication, March 12-22, 1972

Letter of Director J.Antonio S. Buencamino of the Bureau of International Trade Relations (DTI) to Director J. Nicdao of the Bureau of Import Services (DTI) on the proposed duty-free importation (ATA-CARTNET) of goods between the Philippines and Taiwan

Letter of Undersecretary Cesar Bautista of the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) to Director Chyan Yih Ma of the Taiwan Economic and Cultural Office regarding Taiwan’s offer to reduce tariff imposed on Philippine export products to Taiwan and Philippine counter-proposals

Malacanang. Executive Order No. 313, 1987, Prohibiting Trips by Government Officials to Taiwan and Receiving Visiting Taiwanese Officials

Malacanang. RP-Taiwan Fisheries Agreement of 1991

Medium term Philippine Development Plan (MTPDP) 2000-2005

NSCB. 2003 Philippine Statistical Yearbook, Makati City, Philippines: National Statistical Coordination Board, 2003

Office of the Assistant Secretary for Policy and Special Concerns. SND’s Visit to PROC. Reference folder for SND, Manila: DND, November 7-14, 2004

Philippine Statistical Yearbook, 2005

Primer on Foreign Investments and Investment Priority Plan, 2005.

Republic Act 7160, The New Local Government Code of 1991 Annotated, (Philippines)

RA 7160, Implementing Rules and Regulation, (Philippines, 1992)


SEC Registration and Constitution and By-Laws of Asian Exchange Center/Manila Economic and Cultural Office

Taiwan Year Book, General Information Office, 2003.

The 1987 Philippine Constitution

The Exports Development Act or Republic Act No. 7844

The Medium-Term Philippine Development Plan, 1993-1998

The Philippine-China 1975 Accords

The Philippine Economic Zone Act or Republic Act No. 7916


Periodicals:

“20 Taiwanese company plans to set up export processing zones with PNOC in a joint venture project”. United Daily News, April 29, 1988

“FFCCCII arranged meeting for Taiwan prawn producers to meet its local counterpart”. United Daily News, May 5, 1988

“Senate violates China Policy”. The Journal, May 5, 1988

Sheng, Emile C.J. “Cross-Strait Relations and Public Opinion in Taiwan” in Issues and Insights: An International Quarterly on China, Taiwan and East Asian Affairs, Taipei, Taiwan: Institute of International Relations, National Chengchi University, March 2002

Sheng, Virginia. Lee’s Restates Ruling Party’s Unification: Diplomacy Goals. The Free Journal, August 30, 1996

Sutter, Karen M. “Business Dynamism Across the Taiwan Strait” in Lowell Dittmer (ed) Asian Review Vol. XLII, No. 3, Berkley, California, USA: University of California Press, May/June 2002

“Taiwanese eyeing prawn farms”. Manila Bulletin, May 5, 1988

“Taiwan Investment in China” in China Currents. Quezon City: Philippine China Development Research Center, July-September 1992

“Taiwanese residents organize to strengthen cooperation between the two country”. United Daily News, April 29, 1988

“Taiwanese seek Law to protect investments”. Business Chronicle, April 29, 1988

The Philippine Star. China Should Drop claims over Taiwan – Chen, The Philippine Star, March 31, 2004

“US News cites Taiwan over mainland reforms”. China Post, November 3, 1987

“Walking the Tightrope: A Re-examination of the One-China Policy” in China Currents. Quezon City: Philippine China Development Research Center, 1992

“Western Pacific Security in the 1990s” in China Currents. Quezon City: Philippine China Development Research Center, 1993

Yang, Hsin-hsin. Taiwan offers olive branch to China, The Manila Bulletin, may 23, 2004


Journals:

Arroyo, Gloria Macapagal, President, Republic of the Philippines. Speech given during the Foundation Day of the Department of Foreign Affairs, Department of Foreign Affairs Building, Roxas Blvd., Pasay City, July 23, 2004

Baviera, Aillen S.P. “Philippine-Taiwan Relations” in Theresa C. Carino ed. China ASEAN Relations Political, Economic & Ethnic Dimensions, Manila, Philippines: China Studies Program, De La Salle University, 1991

Chiang, Dr. K.P. The Economic Development of the Republic of China in Taiwan: Issues and Strategies

China News, “Li Peng on China’s Relations with ASEAN”, No. 19, August 27, 1990

Cossa, Ralph A. Security Implications of Conflict in the South China Sea: Exploring Potential Triggers of Conflict, A Pacific Forum CSIS Special Report, Honolulu, Hawaii, March, 1998

Department of Defense, Office of the International Security Affairs, “The United States Security Strategies for the East-Asia Pacific Region”, February 1995

Diplomatic agenda of Philippine Presidents, DFA, 2000.

Di Hua, “Recent Development in China’s Domestic and Foreign Affairs”, Working Paper No. 245, The Strategic and Defense Studies Center, The Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University, Canberra, 1992

Guingona, Teofisto Jr., Vice-President and Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Philippines-China-United States Relations: Foreign Policy Issues and Economic Implications. Lecture given as part of the FVR-RPDEV Lecture Series at the RCBC Plaza, Makati City, July 3, 2002

Heh-Song Wang, “Philippines: The New Frontier of Foreign Direct Investments”, Paper prepared for the Conference on China, Taiwan and the Ethnic Chinese in the Philippine Economy on 16 September 1993

Hongbo, Wu, Ambassador of the People’s Republic of China. Promoting Mutual Trust Through Cooperation Seeking Security by Mutual Trust. Speech made at the National Defense College of the Philippines, June 2, 2004

ICG. Taiwan Strait I: What’s Left of “One China”?, International Crisis Group, ICG Asia Report No. 53, June 6, 2003, ICG Beijing/Taipei/Washington/Brussels, 2003a

ICG. Taiwan Strait II: The Risk of War, International Crisis Group, ICG Asia Report No. 54, June 6, 2003, ICG Beijing/Taipei/Washington/Brussels, 2003b

Jintao, Hu, President, People’s Republic of China. A Golden Age of Partnership. Letter to H.E. President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Republic of the Philippines and the People’s Republic of China, Manila: PROC Embassy, June 9, 2005

Lasater, Martin L. American Interest in the New Taiwan, Orbis: A Journal of World Affairs, Volume 37, Number 2, Spring 1993

“Perspective on Philippine Policy Towards China” in Round Table Conference. North Asia Division of Foreign Affairs and the Philippine Association for Chinese Studies. Quezon City

Ramos, Fidel V. “APEC Leaders Conference” in Time for Take-Off, 1994

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